Ethnic minorities in Britain

Ethnic minorities in Britain Ethnic Minorities in Britain Introduction (Mis)labelling identity signifiers bespeaks underlying histories of power structure(s). Indeed, however a case is made based on political, social, economic, cultural and ethnic grounds, an identity signifier remains central to sustain, if not to justify, existing power structures. Further, one specific identity signifier can be employed by contestant parties within a given discourse universe and even in exchange. As contestants struggle over meaning-making, moreover, exchanging (mis)labelled identity signifiers between and within groupings of contestant parties gain particular significance when (mis)labelling practice reaches out for outer frames of contested discourse, beyond a more usual practice of (mis)labelling contestants. Islamophobia, if any, especially as contested within a U.K. context, is just such an instance of an active (mis)labelling practice in which (Jeudo-Christian) Occident vs. (Islamist) Orient as possible (mis)labelled parties to contest exchange exact same (mis )labelled identity signifier i.e. Islamophobic not only in order to frame parties to contest but for an appropriation of what ultimately defines frames of contest per se. Indeed, much literature is dedicated to question the (mis)appropriateness of Islamophobia as a labeller of phobia generated, presumably, from an increasingly visible presence of Islam / Muslims in the U.K. in recent years. 1,2,3 The case for / against Islamophobia, depending on which party holds argument, is, in fact, made blurry given the ambiguity of what constitutes a Muslim identity in the first place. 4 Considering potentially multiple identities of U.K. Muslims 5,6, contestation between and within concerned parties holds a fluid ground more so based on or as a result of fluidity of what makes up Islamophobia. This paper examines multilayered manipulations of Islamophobia as contested within a U.K context. The argument, first, discusses literature on race relations and immigration policies, more emphasis being laid on policies pertaining to Commonwealth subjects in Indian Subcontinent. An examination follows of how race-based (addressing ethnicity, assimilation and multicultural ism issues) as opposed to faith-based (addressing religious practices, rights, and interfaith relations) protections have much influenced and/or mixed up contestations over Islam, Muslims and, most importantly, Islamophobia, if any, within a U.K. context. Finally, Islamophobia is placed in a wider European context in which contestation over Islamophobia as such is connected to Continental debates on modern nation-states and multiculturalisms. Race, race relations and immigration policies Historically, Britain has received waves of immigrants of diverse descent for a multitude of reasons. Yet, post-World War II period, particularly during mid-1940s, 1950s and 1960s, witnessed unprecedented influx into major industrial cities for reconstruction efforts. 7,8 Up until late 1960s, no specific laws addressed inter-ethnic violence and conflict. Ironically, ex-colonies subjects were regarded, after all, as second class citizens. 9 Only when families of Asian (primarily Pakistani, Indian and Bangladeshi) works started to flood English cities and ports in what is referred to as chain immigration (i.e. residents invite close family members and friends and, once settled, relatives and friends invite their own families and friends) did local acts of ethnic violence give prominence to and raise public awareness on a national level of alien citizen status as part of British reality. 10 Still, post-World War II period is one characterised more by inflammatory statements made about nationals of non-British blood and descent 11 rather than about citizens whose allegiance to British values and way of life is questionable because of a different creed such as in case of South-Asians. Indicative of an increasingly racialised public discourse pertaining to immigrants and naturalised subjects is: When individuals like the Marquis of Salisbury spoke of maintaining the English way of life, they were not simply referring to economic or regional folk patterns, but explicitly to the preservation of the racial character of the English people. We have developing here a process of subjectification grounded in a racialised construction of the British Subject which excludes and includes people on the basis of race/skin colour. 12 Indeed, race remains a fundamental subtext of British hegemonic discourse during colonial era, in post-World War II period and beyond. For one, one staple justification for subjugation of nations, groups and individuals is race. 13 Further, in case of a South Asian minority, presumably British Subjects, race is invoked as a justification for inequalities at workplace, housing, education, let alone political rights. 14 In essence, race and racism essentialise subjects of racist acts. Similar to all hegemonic practices which maintain specific power relations within an overarching power structure, racism emphasises superior vs. Inferior duality in order not only to maintain existing power relations but also to morally justify excesses of inequalities. 15 In British context, South Asian workers predominantly from Pakistan, India and Bangladesh particularly during first mass immigration waves of 1940s, 1950s and 1960s were, like a gear fit into a larger wheel, brought in as props, imported, used, and returned. Initially, South Asians workers performed and acted as underdogs much to masters delight. Later, however, as familiarity of British System and Administration developed amongst workers of non-British blood, riots and protests became noise (racist) masters needed to work on. Thus, successive legislations regulating immigrants status within U.K. borders were, apparently, meant to control influx of immigrants and to align British Subjects along well-defined ethnic boundaries.16 As U.K.s ethnic makeup diversified over time and across localities, states insistence on ethnic markers between and within ethnic groups grew by leaps and bounds. The racism formula, endorsed by laws and working brilliantly in a colonial era and slightly so within borders during early days of mass immigration, turned out problematic if not unstabilising given growing pressures of growing minorities in pocket cities, minorities now capable of tipping vote balance. Ultimately, a multi-ethnic / multicultural society is not based on a goodwill, all-accommodating multiculturalism discourse one meant to acknowledge ethnic / racial / cultural differences per se by way of minority rights but, rather, one emphasizing ethnic markers for further state control. 17 In fact, state control, in so far as British Muslims are concerned, represents a clear instance not only of an ethnicity manipulated (at multiple layers of discourse in government, media, and education) but, further still, of an identity (i.e. BrMislim / BrAsian) manipulated (at just same layers) and hence fluidity of what constitutes Islam / Muslim and, probably in turn, Islamophobia. Understanding an emerging Islamophobia requires, however, an examination of evolution of race relations politics from one based on race to one based on faith. Race, faith, Islamophobia, and multiculturalism By definition, political discourse is one characterised by manipulation and is, largely, subject to voters sway in democracies. 18 Political Correctness (PC) is just one example of political machination. In essence, a politically correct expression is a euphemism meant (and, for that matter, meaning) less to fulfil felicity conditions required for an actionable statement and more as instrumental. Thus, British policies on race and ethnicity has marked a shift since installation of race relations acts of 1965 and 1968 19 from an emphasis on racial discrimination to an emphasis on religious extremism and bigotry as a basis for incrimination only selectively, excluding BrMuslims. Indeed, incitement to hatred based on affiliation to Islam is one major legal anomaly scholars continue to point out to. 19, 20 Interestedly, given papers purposes, racial discrimination against BrAsians has not, in fact, been eliminated by virtue of progress in legislation on racial relations but only diverted to another (unprotected by law) dimension, significant as is, of a BrAsian subjects identity. That is, being Muslim. That multilayered public discourse has, moreover, shifted from race to faith is indicative not of actionable (as opposed to pronounced) change but of power structure(s) embedded in race relations discourses in the U.K. Thus, in place of a racialised discourse based on BrAsian intrusion into Britishness, same racial group, now British Muslims, comes out as anti-British. Typical of a manipulative political discourse a game of labelling and re-labelling underprivileged, underrepresented groups (except in prisons) is enacted such that power relations as engineered, largely but not always by, state are maintained within and between different ethnicities in a multicultural community which is, Britain. Unsurprisingly, a set of composite metrics has been developed in order to measure Britishness. 21 That such metrics combine gauges of loyalties at intra-national (i.e. Britain), national (i.e. England, Scotland, etc), or local (e.g. Bradford) levels is, indeed, indicative of an ethnic identit y crisis, particularly so in case of BrAsians / BrMuslims. As a consequence, a group diverse as BrAsians / BrMuslims and framed as inassimilable 22 into wider and mainstream community is bundled up altogether, labelled and made alien. Islamophobia is, one argues, an expression of an anxiety over ethnicity identity. Indeed, Islamophobic sentiments are, upon close examination, aimed not at Islam per se but at Muslims. 23 In fact, literature repeatedly points out that people, rather than faith, is phobes trajectory. 23, 24,25 A broad overview of British media is indicative of who is meant and labelled: If you doubt whether Islamophobia exists in Britain, I [Gordon Conway, Head of Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia] suggest you spend a week reading, as I have done, a range of national and local papers. If you look for articles which refer to Muslims or to Islam you will find prejudiced and antagonistic comments, mostly subtle but sometimes blatant and crude. Where the media lead, many will follow. British Muslims suffer discrimination in their education and in the workplace. Acts of harassment and violence against Muslims are common. 26 Thus, Islamophobia, a label gaining currency in media and academia thanks to Runnymede Trusts much publicised report Islamophobia, a challenge for us all 27 has acquired such a canonical status as to render alternative neologisms unrepresentative of responses to Islam / Muslims. According to Halliday, Islamophobia indulges conformism and authority within Muslim communities. One cannot avoid the sense, in regard to work such as the Runnymede Report that the race relations world has yielded, for reasons of political [emphasis added] convenience, on this term. 28 Moreover, The use of Islamophobia also challenges the possibility of dialogue based on universal principles. It suggeststhat the solution lies in greater dialogue, bridge-building and respect for the other community, but this inevitably runs the risk of denying the right, or possibility, of criticisms of the practices of those with whom one is having the dialogue. Not only those who, on universal human rights grounds, object to elements in Islamic traditions and current rhetoric, but also those who challenge conservative readings from within, can more easily be classed as Islamophobes. 29 Thus, Islamophobia is employed in such a politically correct fashion such as to silence criticisms, on one hand, and to maintain good neighbourhood relations, on another. The former stance is framed, in right-leaning perspective, as militant, jihadist, terrorist, uncivil, anti-modern and anti-Western. 30 The latter is framed, in Islamist perspective, as accommodating, assimilative and hegemonic. In between is media, an arena for meaning-making and shifting perceptions. Alternatively, Islamophobia can be employed not as a politically correct euphemism in order to silence internal criticisms or to maintain law and order but, rather, to militate against an other. This could take a shape of dismantling politeness courtesies essential not for a politically correct dialogue but for one based on critical questioning. Still, Islamophobia could be further employed such as a cover up for supposedly hidden hegemonic agendas. 31 One peculiar shift for Islamophobia as contested within a U.K. context is how instead of imported aliens made citizens being instigators of hate, violence, unrest, and, ultimately terror an enemy within image is constructed and maintained such as to, apparently, pass Islamophobic sentiments, if any, from one generation onto another. 32 For some now increasingly most, credit to media rivers of actual blood running London streets following London 7/7 (Ã   la 9/11 codification) attacks are reminiscent of symbolic blood as invoked by Enoch Powell in his Birmingham speech in 1968: As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see the River Tiber foaming with much blood. The tragic and intractable phenomenon [i.e. immigration] which we [emphasis added] watch with horror on the other side of the Atlantic, but which there is interwoven with the history and existence of the States itself, is coming upon us here by our own volition and our own neglect. 33 Unsurprisingly, Powells xenophobic pronouncements just as all xenophobic pronouncements -gain further inertia as an apparently self-fulfilling prophecy comes true. Admittedly, most, if not all, far-right politics tap into a well-rehearsed repertoire of phobias not least Islamophobia. Moreover, whole political careers are created and enhanced based on precautions from an other: now of colour, now of race, and now of different faith. Across Europe, ballot boxes speak volumes of Islamophobia tapped into as a final recourse against an imminent green menace within. 34,35 Islamophobia: European context Placed in a wider context, Islamophobia is not exclusive to U.K. As a matter of fact, for Europe in which U.K. is situated and to which it is historically affiliated Islamophobia is a common currency. Indeed, each European country has a distinctive narrative to tell of Islam / Muslims. Yet, for all differences, European nations especially former colonial powers share common narratives of home-grown terrorists and phobias. 36 Interestingly still is how European nation states follow a similar pattern of state controls over flow of (now particularly Muslim) immigrants as well as controls of modes of conducts of minorities within. 37 In fact, U.K.s, and for that matter Europes, current immigration laws and policies cannot be fully understood in isolation of European conception of nation-states. Historically, European nation-states evolved into democratic polities in which upholding order and rule of law required consistent policies. 38 As European countries grew increasingly into political, economic and scientific powerhouses, an increasing influx of immigrants required subtler means of control. Typically, in major European countries such as U.K. enacting multiculturalism policies meant, at least apparently in so far as actual practices are concerned, less room for truly diverse communities and more for accommodation, assimilation, and full integration of an increasing alien presence posing, allegedly, menaces to established European Enlightenment canonical values of reason and secularism. 39 Probably understandably, far-right currents in European politics manipulated political machinery inciting violence and hatred at times creating, only in voters minds, all sorts of phobias. The case for Islamophobia is one, consequently, which can be understood primarily based on power relations established and maintained in a wider power structure of Europe. This is particularly significant if one is to grasp global (i.e. Western) war on Islam, which is not. For all long-established and nourished power structures need a signifier, a marker, which, presumably , contains, defines, and tags an assumed other only to maintain law and order in an endless historical power struggle over hearts and minds. In conclusion, Islamophobia is, ultimately, a (mis)label slapped onto bottled up power relations within a marked power structure. In U.K. context, Islamophobia is used, as has been demonstrated, not to mark a shift in discursive practices towards a truly multicultural community but to maintain embedded power relations in which specific groups are assigned definite space within ethnic markers. Initially, race is used to maintain power structures but upon introduction of race acts and laws, subtler formers of control and manipulation are employed by which focus is shift from race per se to faith not as a creed but as another boundary of control. Within (i.e. in BrMuslims community), Islamophobia is employed by Islamic leaders such as to appropriate an exclusive definition of Muslims and Islam, on one hand, and in order to silence internal power struggle over meaning-making of Islam and, probably, anything else. Finally, in a broader context, Islamophobia is employed as a means of control and manipulation of Muslim communities within, multiculturalism policies aside. Notes 1. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain. London: Hurst, 2006. 2. Taher Abbas, ed. Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure. London: Zed, 2005. 3. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism: Inequalities, opportunities, and politics. London: SAGE, 1999. 4. Afifa Hussain and William Miller. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. 5. Ibid. 6. Stephan May, Tariq Modood, and Judith Squires, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 7. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, Racism and antiracism 8. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 19-36 9. Ibid. 10. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism 11. Ibid. 12. Quoted in Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism, 12. 13. Ernest Cashmore and Barry Troyna. Introduction to race relations. Basingstoke: The Falmer Press, 1990. 14. Ibid. 15. Robert Miles. Racism after race relations. London: Rutledge, 1993. 16. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain 17. Ibid. 18. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington. 19. Ibid. 20. Stephan May, Tariq Modood, and Judith Squires, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. 21. Afifa Hussain and William Miller. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. 22. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain, 183. 23. John E. Richardson. (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004. 24. Christopher Allen, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK, BOÉCE, no. 6 (2003): 51-69. 25. Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalisation. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002. 26. Quoted in Abdul Gafoor Abdul Majeed Noorani. Islam Jihad: prejudice versus reality (Bangladesh: The University Press, 2002), 41. 27. Christopher Allen, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK. 28. Quoted in Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalization, 24. 29. Ibid. 30. Robert Spencer. The politically incorrect guide to Islam (and the Crusades). Washington, DC: Regnery, 2005. 31. Ibid. 32. Roger Ballard and Marcus Banks, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain. London: Hurst, 1994. 33. Quoted in Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism, 18. 34. Raphael Israeli. The Islamic challenge in Europe. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2008. 35. Roger Ballard and Marcus Banks, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain 36. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 37. Ibid. 38. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain 9. Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalization. Bibliography Abbas, Taher, ed. Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure. London: Zed, 2005. Ali, Nasreen, Karla, Virinder, and Sayyid, S., eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain. London: Hurst, 2006. Allen, Christopher, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK, BOÉCE, no. 6 (2003): 51-69. Ballard, Roger and Banks, Marcus, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain. London: Hurst, 1994. Braham, Peter, Rattansi, Ali, and Skillington, Richard, eds. Racism and antiracism: Inequalities, opportunities, and politics. London: SAGE, 1999. Cashmore, Ernest and Troyna, Barry. Introduction to race relations. Basingstoke: The Falmer Press, 1990. Haddad, Yvonne, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 19-36. Hussain, Afifa and Miller, William. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Israeli, Raphael. The Islamic challenge in Europe. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2008 May, Stephan, Modood, Tariq, and Squires, Judith, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Mohammadi, Ali, ed. Islam encountering globalisation. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002. Noorani, Abdul Gafoor Abdul Majeed. Islam Jihad: prejudice versus reality Bangladesh: The University Press, 2002. Richardson, John. (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004 Spencer, Robert. The politically incorrect guide to Islam (and the Crusades). Washington, DC: Regnery, 2005

Lightning and Electrical Storms

It is but considered that lightning and electrical storms are naturally ocurring events in nature where by we tend to be oblivious about it. Yet, its intensity brings about changes which may affect us to our advantage or disadvantage.Oftentimes, children are scared of the sound of thunder brought about by the blinding flash of lightning. In ancient times, lightning is associated with the wrath of a higher power as is evident with the Supreme god of Olympus, Zeus and the god of Thunder,Thor. To our ancestors, this is a sign that people will be punished for the bad deeds done, being superstitious at that. At present, lightning is associated with powerful mind-created characters often seen on televisions and some flicks.These beliefs though was not proven to exist in reality but these shows only the notion that lightning is indeed powerful. Now, one would ask what lightning is and why is there a need for lightning and electrical storms to occur? It is not just there as part of natureâ⠂¬â„¢s wonder.What is Lightning?Lightning is an electrical discharge between two different fields of charges which is formed in electrical storms (Learn More About†¦; par. 1). It is deemed that lightning has a heat three times greater than that of the sun’s surface. Usually, it is evident when rain clouds are present. Credit on lightning discovery is usually given to Benjamin Franklin with his kite and key experiment during a thunderstorm. This is because he pioneered the first experiment on showing electrical conductance of lightning as opposed to those ahead of him (Lightning; par 2,3,4 &5)..  However, hoew lightning came about has many explanations. There are many existing theories on how thunder is formed and which of which is still disputed.How lightning comes   aboutLightning is dtermined to be caused by difference in charges but, how it is generated is what is still uncertain till present.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Scientific studies are curr ently being conducted as to how it is generated. However, theories are proposed on how these charges are accumulated.One is the Polarization Mechanism Theory which states that falling droplets of ice and rain acquire charges before they hit the ground through electrostatic induction and another theory is the Electrostatic Induction Theory which, on the other hand, states that opposite charges in clouds are separated by energy between them and collision of charges with ice crystals brings about increasing intensity in charges inside the cloud. This increased intensity will soon find release in the form of lightning (Lightning; par. 11 & 12).The process after electrical charges are acquired and in which it should be released is a rather complex one. Usually in a rain coming, a cumulonimbus cloud is what is known as the source of lightning (Lightning ; par. 2). This type of cloud possesees a strong electrical charge and varies in horizontal difference of the cloud. At the base, the cha rge is strongly negative while at the top, it is strongly positive. This charges are being separated by an electrical field which is an energy in nature to keep the charges from colliding. The energy in the electric field is directly proportional to the cahrge of the particles between it.As the charges continue to increase in both sides brought about by collision, so is the amount of energy in the electric field. This intense energy causes the repulsion of the charge in the earth’s surface by the negative charge of the cloud causing the earth’s surface to gain positive charge.What happens next is that the electric field inside the cloud provides a path for the conductance of charges between the negative charge at the bottom of the cloud and the positive charge of the earth’s surface. This path is the air in which it is ionized by the strong electric field of the cloud. This process is known as air ionization. This causes about the formation of the flux line wher ein the lightning will travel through. Upon completion of the necessary path, the continuous build up of energy in the cloud causes about the outburst   of this energy which travels through the ionized air and the set flux line towards the positive charge. What travels here is what we know as lightning (Zavisa; pt 1, 2, 3 &4).On the other hand, the thunder that we know of is the sound formed after a lightning. This is caused about by lightning as it heats and expands the air which produces the sound known as thunder. As we all know, light travels faster than sound; reason why we hear thunder late after a lightning (Lightning:The Shocking Statistics; par. 6).Types of LightningThere are different types of lightning. The most common of which is the Cloud-to-cloud lightning and the other is the cloud-to-ground lightning.  Cloud-to-ground lightning is the most dangerous lightning. This is also the most destructive to properties. This occurs when lightning hits the ground or anything on earth’s surface. Being the most common, it is the most understood type of lightning (About Lightning; pt 4).Another is the cloud-to-cloud lightning which is also known as intra-cloud lightning. Intra-cloud lightning occurs when lightning transfers from cloud to another cloud or within the same cloud. This type occurs lesser in frequency than cloud-to-ground (Lightning Detection from Space; page 3).There are many other types of lightning and are named based on optical illusion and appearances. These are ball lightning, heat lightning, bead lightning, sheath lightning, black lightning and many others (Lightning Detection from Space; page 3).Effects and Damages of LightningLightning, which occurs along with electrical or thunder storms, are light flashes brought about by disturbances among the charges. It is known that lightning replenishes the  nitrogen supply in soil in which it hits. But with its great strength, this poses great danger among individuals.From the span of year ’90 to ’92, lightning killed four people and injured 127 individuals. It averages 80 kills per year in the United States alone (Lightning: the Shocking Statistics; par. 1).Moreover, lightning kills 55% more people than tornado and 40% more than hurricanes. It causes a loss of 15 – 20 million dollars each year to infrastructures. More so, the US Department of Agriculture reported that lightning causes about 80 % of accidental deaths in livestocks (Dworkin; par. 8).People are evidently exposed to the hazards of lightning. Damages to building, infrastructures, forest and wildfires, downed power lines and loss of life are just among its effects (Multihazard Risk†¦; spt. A).These also causes airplane disasters as it hits a flying craft. It was reported that in 1963, a plane strucked by lightning near Elkton, MD, killed 38 people. It is also noted that plane crashes in 1982 in Kenner, Los Angeles, and 1985 in Dallas, Texas was brought about by lightning. The past decade also took notice of 15,000 fires caused by lightning in the US alone causing wide property damage and loss of 2 million acres of forests (Multihazard Risk†¦; spt. A).ConclusionEvidently destructive by nature, lightning is inescapable. But, there are many precautions which one would be able to take to prevent or minimize the losses brought about by lightning strikes. First is to listen to weather forecasts so that one would not be in the open when an electrical storm came. Second is to manage an electrical conductor in houses or if in a car, better stay in the car as it is a good conductor. Next is to stay out of an open field where  you eould be the tallest object to be hit by lightning.   Another is to stay calm and stay as low as possible when it is inevitable that electrical storm will come when your outside the safety of your own home. These are few among the possible preventive measures (Protection†¦; par. 2).Presently, experiments on lightning deflec tors to be placed on planes are being conducted. Spires are also being improved to be placed on skyscrapers. More so, the prospect of harnessing lightning’s power as source of electricity is on its way.Who knows, one day, we would be able to truly deflect lightnings disastrous strikes to our advantage.OUTLINE: IntroductionWhat is lightningHow it comes aboutTypes of lightningEffects and damages of lightning (stats) especially in st louis missouri us and midwestConclusionReferences:â€Å"Learn More About Lightning and Thunder.† 2007. 30 April 2007 .â€Å"Lightning.† 2005. 30 April 2007 .Zavisa, John. â€Å"How Lightning Works.† 2007. 30 April 2007 .Dworkin, Gerald. â€Å"Emergency Procedures During Thunder and Lightning Storms.† 23 February 1998. 30 April 2007. .â€Å"About Lightning.† 2007. 30 April 2007. .â€Å"Multi-Hazard Risk Identification and Assessment.† 2007. 30 April 2007. . â€Å"Lightning: The Shocking Statistics.† 20 07. 30 April 2007 . â€Å"Lightning Detection From Space.† 2007. 01 May 2007 . â€Å"Lightning.† March 2007. 01 May 2007 . â€Å"Protection Against Lightning.† 2007. 01 May 2007 .

Becoming an Optimist

I woke up early, finished the reports I was supposed to submit during the day drove to the office and I was not late. Then, my boss hands me the memo and says that I am given until tomorrow to submit a written explanation. I mumble incoherently but feel crushed and almost in tears and angry at my boss. Belief I am not a good worker, I am always tardy and hence I have become a liability to my department. I do not have any place in this office anymore. I have no choice but to resign.Consequence I am depressed and angry and hurt. Disputation I am not a bad worker, I have met deadlines, I have been innovative at my work and I give my best in every task I am assigned to. I have had high performance evaluation ratings for the last 4 years in this job. My reaction to the memo was overreacting; of course it is company policy to call the attention of employees who had been late for work a number of times to make sure that they can do something about it.I was late a couple of times but that di d not mean I am a lousy employee, even my boss comes to the office late at times. I had been working two jobs and going to school at the same time and it means that I am tired and exhausted thus if I wake up late in some mornings it is understandable because my body has to rest at some point. Thinking that I am a bad employee and that I have to resign is not really doing me anything good, instead of checking my behavior; I felt utterly depressed and had to miss work in the afternoon.It does not do anything good to think these thoughts. Energization I decided that I can prove to myself that I can be punctual everyday, thus I have made a contract with myself saying that I will never be late for work anymore, starting today! Being optimistic is related to motivation because it gives that extra boost to the person who is faced with challenges and difficulties (Seligman, 1991). Optimism is a state of mind and heart, that is, to think positively about the outcome of the situation or event .When a person thinks that a problem is a challenge, and then he/she would face it head on and believe that he/she can overcome it, if a person thinks that a problem is a punishment, then he/she would not do anything at all since he/she has already accepted defeat. References Kady, L. (2006). Being an optimist. Retrieved December 11, 2006, from http://www. articlejuice. com/Article/Being-an-Optimist—Part-1/200 Seligman, M. E. (1991). Learned Optimism. Alfred A. Knopf Inc.

personal finance 4 - 1144 Words

1. Describe a real or made up but realistic situation that could cause you or someone you know to have to use money from a financial reserve. (3-6 sentences. 2.0 points) I put money into a financial reserve for college. I will not touch the money till then. I can add but not subtract from it. 2. How many months worth of expenses do you think your financial reserve should include? Describe at least two reasons for this decision. (3-6 sentences. 2.0 points) As many as I can have saved up into it. Depends on wether I am working, and what my income is. Cause I could lose a job. 3. Would you rather have a savings account that offered simple interest, or an account that offered compound interest? Why? (3-6 sentences. 2.0 points) It would†¦show more content†¦Also referred to as shareholders equity.In the context of margin trading, the value of securities in a margin account minus what has been borrowed from the brokerage.In the context of real estate, the difference between the current market value of the property and the amount the owner still owes on the mortgage. It is the amount that the owner would receive after selling a property and paying off the mortgage.In terms of investment strategies, equity (stocks) is one of the principal asset classes. The other two are fixed-income (bonds) and cash/cash-equivalents. These are used in asset allocaon planning to structure a desired risk and return profile for an investors portfolio. Investopedia explains Equity The terms meaning depends very much on the context. In finance, in general, you can think of equity as ownership in any asset after all debts associated with that asset are paid off. For example, a car or house with no outstanding debt is considered the owners equity because he or she can readily sell the item for cash. Stocks are equity because they represent ownership in a company. 11. If you were a new investor who wanted to invest in stock, would you prefer to invest in registered public stock, or unregistered private stock? Why? (2-4 sentences. 1.0 points) I would incest in unregisteredShow MoreRelatedPersonal Finance Unit 41202 Words   |  5 PagesBrittany James FIN 1100 Module 4 Home Work Assignments [Answer all questions in details] 1.|Matthew Boyd asks for your help! He has saved $10,000 and wants to invest in common stock. 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